gathering: The Post-Democrat Only Rings Twice

Tuesday, 18 January 2005

The Post-Democrat Only Rings Twice

I differ from those pessimists who think democracy is inevitably in a downward spiral, and this review of Colin Crouch's Post-Democracy (just published in the British Labour journal Renewal) explains why. Colin's book is the best version of the "corporate influence, bad globalisation, dying parties" story I have encountered, and he is 90% right. But (as he admitted when we bumped into each other at a Compass conference) he wrote too much of it in the miasma of the late 1990s, looking backward.

The future is a different country...
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Democracy today is in difficult straits, as the rising tide of the dealigned, disengaged and disenchanted testifies. The mismanaged ‘war for democracy’ in Iraq has become a parable of dishonesty or at best, cloth-eared leadership. The populist surge in the European elections sounded another warning. Yet the roots of the democratic malaise are to be found not in these symptoms, but deeper in our societies. People can find few meaningful avenues for their concerns in the serpentine networks of politics today. With no credible alternative on offer, elections next year will most likely deliver a majority for Labour. The day after, expect a sick, hollow hangover that augurs little good – unless we change our tack.

In Post-Democracy (2004), sociologist Colin Crouch gives a rich analysis of how the West came to this pass. Focusing on Europe (and Britain and Italy in particular), he paints the remorseless decline of government by the people, for the people. The formal elements of democracy still survive: elections, debate, parties. But they are evacuated, bypassed and criss-crossed by new, less accountable processes. The welfare state and trade unions become residual. Electoral politics begin to centre around personality or its facsimiles. Special interests are capturing the high ground in this brave new world of globalised networks and multi-layered governance. Room for manoeuvre is constrained by an international race to the bottom.

This is a familiar tale, elaborated often in tragic accents. But is post-democracy cul-de-sac or crossroads? Do we need to take a turn, to go into reverse, or simply to accept? In reading Post-Democracy, the words of Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci come to mind: “The old is dying and the new cannot be born.” Crouch describes post-democracy as an “inexorable” trend, “so powerful and widespread that it is impossible to see any major reversal”. This book was born in the late 1990s with a critique of the ‘new social democracy’, and includes parts of the Fabian pamphlet Coping with Post-Democracy (2000). Today, the ‘end of history’ maxim is shaken by catastrophe and war. New political formations have gathered energies, from counter-globalisation protest to anti-war march, and in the virtual American Civil War that gathered steam after the Dean campaign took off. ‘Coping’ no longer sounds like enough.

Crouch’s optimism of the will is found in such participatory politics: “Democracy thrives when there are major opportunities for the mass of ordinary people actively to participate, through discussion and autonomous organisations, in shaping the agenda of public life, and when they are actively using these opportunities”. He contrasts creative civic avenues (which he mostly finds in the past) to the “negative activism of blame and complaint” that plays itself out daily in our media. Some commentators claim that the ‘decline of deference’, with its demands for transparency and its refrain of holding power to account, marks a democratic evolution. Maybe so. But destruction without creation ends in scorched earth, and the transformation of political scrutiny and media into blood-sports has bred fear more often than invention.

Crouch laments ‘the vacuum left in mass political participation’ by the fading of the organised manual working class. He offers reasons why junior non-manual workers, mostly female, have not articulated a new agenda: a focus on children and opportunity through education, engagement diffused across single issues, political ventriloquism. He emphasises the role of identities and common, enduring interests in the golden age of party politics. The collapse into disrepair of participatory democracy has weakened egalitarians. Nature abhors a vacuum, and in rushes “the global firm”, for him “the key institution of the post-democratic world”. While this argument has force, any discussion of how the processes of globalisation interlock with the practices of businesses needs to distinguish intentional action from systemic drift or risk demonising corporate inadequacy. It is right to warn against the dominance of business in post-democratic councils and the drift toward hearings for large firms rather than business associations. But the reader sometimes gets the feeling that no good can ever come from someone who has worked for profit.

Adair Turner’s recent report on the pensions timebomb, a challenge of inter-generational equity indefensibly ignored in most quarters, is one example of why businesspeople should not be denied audience. But nor should they have sole access to a new Star Chamber. It is precisely because Crouch is right to warn on this that occasional exaggerations provoke a wince: for instance, when he speaks of a “political class linked to the rest of society more or less solely via business lobbyists” (untrue, with the possible exception of the European Parliament). The modern media plays a more vital and complex mediating role. Elsewhere he rightly fingers the drift of politics toward consumerism. But it remains easier to mobilise against a scowling devil than a faceless deep blue sea.

Crouch is on firm ground when he addresses the hollowing of government’s role in fostering public service and the public sphere, a theme elaborated elsewhere by David Marquand. Outsourcing has often made an “institutional idiot” of government, and the mantras of coarse consumerism can drown out the genuinely transformative possibilities of users and citizens partnering with public managers. But images of the state’s cannibalisation by business, fair descriptions of much of the last quarter-century, leave the third point of the triangle – citizens, collectively and individually –impotent.

Buzzwords like personalisation and the co-production of public value are not enough, unless they begin to contribute toward public authority and public goods. But they are starting to. The old corporate statism which seems to entice offers little by contrast with emerging visions of a powerful but translucent state, responsive to citizens and long-term challenges, seeing its primary role in the strategic creation and guardianship of public value rather than business as usual. Today such a model is beginning to look more achievable. Crouch rightly warns that outsourcing can separate government from responsibility for public goods and cut off the avenues for citizens to hold services to account, as politicians focus on an empty, self-referential world of political branding. But a virtuous circle is also possible. Many of Post-Democracy’s ideals are prescient to the possibilities springing in its wake. Today’s landscape shows, to take two examples, that neither the evisceration of local governance nor the passivity of the American people should be taken as read.

Post-Democracy paints an arresting portrait of the new party politics: an “ellipse” of experts and lobbyists thrusts through the old concentric circles of party policy-making to the decision-making core. The decline of membership is one cause. When an unrepresentative party base sends misleading signals about the public, leaders seek to bypass it. Still, polls and focus groups risk other distortions, and drain politics of collective agency. Crouch recommends that members dismantle the old conception of the monolithic party, make their loyalty conditional and ride cause-related lobbies into the ellipse. He is on the right track, though the task falls not only to them. I, like others, have argued elsewhere for “open political parties”. If they are to appeal to a more individuated populace, parties need constructively pluralistic frameworks that don’t feel like straitjackets. They need transparent processes and a host of outriders: the Fabian Societies of the future should look more like MoveOn.org and Democracy for America. Parties could offer citizens both a looser relationship of affiliation, interest and donation, and a richer set of opportunities to engage with the policy and governance agenda throughout the political cycle.

Where are the limits to this opening of politics? Crouch lambasts the Third Way for evading identity. He believes that “for a party to have no particular base is to exist in a vacuum”, one that will be rapidly and malevolently filled. For him, collective politics come down to identity and interests. One example: the Dutch Labour Party’s failure to trumpet its new employment policy’s salience to the partisan interests of its base helped bolster the protest vote for Pim Fortuyn. But a note of caution is appropriate. Interest and identity politics can clash with solidarity. A conflict between old and young would have unambiguously negative consequences. Politics can also be a matter of projects in the general good, and interests are not necessarily factional. Identity today is a pliable and multi-layered thing. We need to work with its grain in shaping new frameworks for collective action. Howard Dean’s wizard Joe Trippi draws on a tradition of product integrity when he says, “brand is community – brand is empowerment”. These statements are even more interesting in reverse.

Many of Crouch’s shards of hope have their origin in a reactive consumerism: ‘Not in my Name’, ‘Our World is Not For Sale’. The Stop the War movement fell squarely into Crouch’s ‘negative activism of blame and complaint’ by failing to articulate an alternative. But meanwhile, PACE has done much to revitalise the political opposition in Italy, the anti-globalisation movement is developing an agenda of global social justice, and the explosion of platforms for citizen activism in the US offers a new toolbox. As Crouch says, “there needs to be an open market of contest for defining political identities which lies outside but close to the oligopolistic arena of the established parties… a vigorous, chaotic, noisy context of movements and groups.”

Yet Post-Democracy sketches the history of democracy as a parabola, and finds us on a declining slope, in guerrilla struggle against the inevitable. Some of us are more optimistic for a new renaissance, and a wave of citizen-centred innovations. Crouch praises his colleague Philippe Schmitter for proposals including a citizens’ assembly and putting politics’ financing in the people’s hands. A new White Paper for the Council of Europe gathers these reforms together with participative budgeting after the model of Brazil’s Porto Alegre, the revitalisation of parliaments, and a host of other reforms well within our grasp. I would add open parties, new platforms for citizen activism, local empowerment reaching down to neighbourhoods and individuals, and a language of popular sovereignty that helps us to break the bureaucratic stranglehold and get a constructive grip on Europe and globalisation.

New political beasts are slouching to the fore, seeking to mobilise political identities based on fear, nostalgia, nihilism or division. They can just as easily use these new means to gather support for authoritarian populisms. While the manual working class is no longer ‘the future battering on the door’, the global majority has neither a global political community within which to articulate its demands nor a consistent agenda. It takes leadership for democracy to listen to the future and the left-behind.

Ralf Dahrendorf and others believe that Crouch opposes egalitarian to liberal democracy. They should read more carefully. Deep democracy exceeds his own agenda, encompassing liberal and frighteningly populist possibilities. Crouch is right that the taboo of rising inequalities must be addressed boldly. The task of egalitarians is to articulate social movements to carry their aspirations, and to build public structures that can make good on these ideals. Fabian dirigisme is no longer adequate to that challenge. Post-Democracy is a worthwhile read that helps to point the way. Decades ago, Ben Barber described thin democracy as “the politics of zookeeping”. Today, the zookeepers are stumbling through existential fog. In the low dishonest decades between the world wars, the pessimist Mencken called democracy “a dream”, “a self-devouring disease”, and “the art of running the circus from the monkey cage.” Set jibes about simian Presidents aside: unless we think constructively, we will prove such anti-democrats right. Centralised power is a lonely trap. We can only escape from its cages together: acknowledge the risks, and leap.

Paul Hilder is a founder of openDemocracy.net, editor of The Democratic Papers (2004) and a Fellow of the Institute for Community Studies (democracy@pobox.com)

Posted by Paul Hilder on Tuesday, 18 January 2005 at 11:26 AM in The Big Picture | Permalink

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